20 Years of Democracy in Nigeria: Strengths, Weaknesses and Opportunities” by H.E.Senator Kashim Shettima

Advertisements

Ladies and gentlemen, as imperfect as we may feel about our democratic experiences, the fact that some Nigerians could freely go to Court, determined to disqualify a retired General and Powerful Commander-in-Chief, is an incredible indication of strength in Nigeria’s democracy. Freedom of expression is what separates the citizens governed under a democracy from citizens ruled by dictatorship.
For me, the greatest strength of our democracy is that feeling of being free from dictatorship. The mere feeling of being ruled under a system of dictatorship imprison citizens psychologically.
The cornerstones of democracy are freedom of citizens to hold their leaders accountable; freedom in the exercise of public rights to elect their leaders through periodic elections that are free and fair; the freedom of religion, movement, social, cultural and political associations; the freedom of citizens to have their say in Policies and Programmes of Government and most importantly, sanctified adoption and enforcement of the Rule of Law which predicates all citizens equal before the law.
We are not like the satirist and American novelist Mark Twain who mocked his country, the United States, in the following words: “It is by the goodness of God that in our country we have those three unspeakably precious things: freedom of speech, freedom of conscience and the prudence to never practice either of them.”

We may all argue and rightly so, that Nigerian democracy has witnessed hindrances to most of the principles of democracy, especially on the rights of citizens to good leadership; on the rights of citizens to freely vote candidates of their choices and respect for the Rule of Law. At the same time however, we have seen from 1999 to date, many instances at which our Courts have passed landmark judgments against interests of Powerful Presidents and their Political Parties. Under the PDP-led administration, we saw how the Courts returned Governors impeached through presidential fiat. We saw how Courts ruled against Presidential withholding of state allocations; we saw how the Court ordered the swearing-in of candidates like Rotimi Amaechi who was opposed by Powerful People. We also saw how Courts removed a number of PDP Governors in the South-west and ordered the Swearing-In of Opposition candidates and these rulings were against the interests of the incumbent President and the ruling PDP.
In recent times, we have seen even more extreme judgments of the court against the APC under an APC administration.
Never for once did we have judgment in which a Political Party which won all elective seats at the polls ended up losing all of those seats from Governorship to National and State positions to another party because the court in its own wisdom, declared so on Zamfara State. We have also seen how the Court stopped the APC from participating in the Rivers State Governorship elections.
I am not contesting these judgments but I am trying to point out that as imperfect as Nigeria’s democracy has been, all of these instances suggest progress in our Rule of Law and, by implication, strength in our democracy.
Regardless of what anyone might make of these landmark judgments by our Courts, the lessons to be learned by those who are wise, can, going forward, shape the internal democracies of Political Parties in Nigeria. I think what most politicians have now learnt is that only foolish people avoid primaries. There are many references in which Courts ordered the swearing-in of those who won the Primaries even after those who robbed them of the tickets wasted their time and resources to win elections. No primary result is a fait accompli because a strongman said. This is a humbling proposition.There is significant decrease in the number of situations where wealthy and highly connected politicians habitually go to their party headquarters and collect tickets. This departure is an important strength in our democracy.
Our electoral system is, without doubt, still a major problem. But then, there is still strength in the fact that very popular candidates still manage to win elections all over the country. And if we do not agree with this, we may agree that very unpopular candidates somehow lose no matter their influences. We have witnessed in the last 20 years of our democracy, an incumbent President, Governors, Powerful Senators and Members, House of Representatives lose elections to unknown politicians, in some cases. We have seen Governors who control the politics of whole States failing to win senatorial seats that are one third of a State. All of these happened by the power of our electorates who were only able to exercise these powers on the strength of our democracy. I think one of the things that are very clear in Nigeria’s democracy is that even if you can rig, you must either have some measure of popularity or as it is often the case, you find ways to benefit from the protest against a more unpopular candidate. The fact that electorates can succeed in voting out very unpopular candidates is an indication of strength in 20 years of Nigeria’s democracy.
Related to our electoral system is the freedom of expression through which electorates rise against candidates they stand against. The advent of social media has given powers to citizen-commentators to hold leaders more accountable. Wrongly as it is, there are countries that have at different times applied or still applying technical restrictions or outright ban on the free use of some social media platforms in public expression. According to some research, citizens in 24 countries of different continents including Europe, have had their rights to express themselves through the social media, temporarily or permanently curtailed by Government.
Ladies and gentlemen, Nigerian government was an exception in the list of those 24 countries and this indicates another strength in our democratic freedom of expression.
I am sure some people are already thinking about the recent controversies over regulation of online media platforms and hate speech in Nigeria.
Citizens, as I cited earlier, are entitled to the freedom of expression upon which they hold their leaders accountable. This brings me to the issue of leadership in our 20 years of democracy.
“The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership” quote and unquote. That was the conclusion of Professor Chinua Achebe in his book, The trouble with Nigeria. But before we come to that aspect, I would like us to establish the fact that there have been some positive sides of leadership in our 20 years of democracy.
In these years, Nigeria has had four elected Presidents and their leaderships define largely our democracy.
No matter what anyone may conclude about Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s Presidency, it is difficult to deny OBJ’s commitment to the unity of this country.
I would like us to cast our minds back to the structure of Obasanjo’s inner caucus or his cabal. By the way, it was late Prof Dora Akunyili that in 2010, made the term cabal to become popular.
Obasanjo’s cabal was composed of Nigerians from all sections of this country and that structure not only indicated his nationalism but may have impacted on his handling of serious issues that touched on our redlines- religion and ethnicity.
Nigeria’s return to democracy in 1999, created an atmosphere of freedom with opportunities for choices. On October 27, 1999, Zamfara State announced the adoption of Sharia Legal system. About 11 states in majority Muslim northern States also joined due to agitation of citizens. There were protests by minority Christians.
Two years later, violence erupted with massive killings in Kaduna, around October 2001. The violence spread to Kano and some parts of the southeast. President Obasanjo, being a Christian with open interest in theology, was faced with a very tricky situation very capable of sending the country to another civil war. The President managed the country with wisdom. I do not think anyone saw OBJ as taking side with Islam or Christianity. There was actually a time the President insulted a pastor in Jos for being reckless on the issue of religion.
Again, whatever the opinion of others on Obasanjo’s anti-corruption stands, he summoned the courage to establish the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related Offenses Commission. Although there was large-scale corruption under the military as the case in our democracy, we all must acknowledge that the EFCC and ICPC as permanent establishments, fighting corruption, came into existence under our democracy.
Still talking about the strength of our democracy in terms of leadership, we can’t take away three important achievements of the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who took over from former President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo in 2007.
President Yar’adua openly made it an obligation to enforce the Rule of Law in defiance of powerful people and his own PDP’s political interests. The Rule of Law is one of the most sacred principles of democracy.
I once read an article in the Daily Trust of September 3, 2018, authored by my brother, Comrade Issa Aremu, in which he wrote a posthumous tribute to late Yar’Adua’s respect for the Rule of Law. Some of the examples cited by Aremu were Yar’adua’s prompt declaration of his assets, enforcement of the Supreme Court’s ruling for the reinstatement of Peter Obi as Governor of Anambra state; his refund of Lagos government’s withheld federal allocation; his reversal of some policies of the federal government on VAT, increase in fuel price and sales of refineries all of which didn’t follow legal procedures. Beside Aremu’s observations, some senior writers have also applauded Yar’Adua’s prompt enforcement of rulings by the Court of Appeal, mostly in 2008, which sacked a number of PDP Governors in the southwest and Edo state in favour of candidates of the opposition Action Congress. President Yar’adua knew that deploying security details to Governors was the most important way to confer on them, authority and legitimacy. As such, each time the Appeal Court rules, Yar’Adua congratulated those declared and directed the Inspector General of Police and the Director General of State Security Services to immediately enforce such rulings. Yar’adua’s respect for the Rule of Law was extremely significant. He laid the foundation for our electoral reform through the Uwais committee. Yar’adua was a courageous leader. It was for his courage that he was able to proclaim amnesty in the Niger Delta and brought about political and economic stability. It takes courage for a Commander-in-Chief to forgive. Weak people do not forgive; they retaliate in disregard for consequences. He followed the words of the Poet Alexander Pope: “To err is human; to forgive is divine.” Some leaders go quietly into history only to roar later with their legacy. Former President Yar’ Adua was one such leader. Just like Harry Truman and Lyndon Johnson of the United States long after their deaths, Yar’ Adua is rising in nobility. His acts are whispering aloud from his august grave.
Few leaders in all our history can boast of his bi-partisan poise, integrity with public funds, transparency about processes, and his serenity of vision as we saw in the Niger Delta. To rephrase Shakespeare, his good is no longer interred in his bones.

There are indeed strengths of leadership in our 20 years of democracy and one of such strengths was the Will and Courage of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan in saving the country from post-election violence. Sometimes, what kills a society is the arrogance of leadership. In spite of my several altercations with him and his administration, Jonathan was and is still humble, humane and empathetic. On June 8, 2010, President Jonathan made the courageous nomination of an incorruptible and Independent-minded Attahiru Jega as chairman of the Independent National Election Commission. He had the option of nominating a blackmailed asset that would forcibly submit to him at the appropriate time, yet he went for a clean man and gave Nigeria what is adjudged one of our most credible elections in the last 20 years. At the time it became obvious Jonathan had lost his reelection bid to candidate Muhammadu Buhari of the APC in March 2015, he could defy consequences in favour of desperation to hang onto power. Had he done that, there would certainly have been protests and counter protests from the North and South and lives could most certainly have been lost. Jonathan’s action indeed saved lives and preserved our democracy.
The coming of President Muhammadu Buhari opened another chapter of democratic leadership especially in the recovery of Nigeria’s dignity in the eyes of the world. Call him whatever you like but you cannot call Buhari a corrupt man. His stand against corruption has elicited natural fear for his person and that fear alone reduced the guts with which corruption stared Nigeria in the face. Buhari’s stand is shaping the independence of Nigeria’s Legislature and the Legislature is what institutionally separates the military from democratic administrations.
President Buhari is rising steadily before our eyes as a man of legacy, a man who fits into the definition of a statesman rather than a politician. The politician is seen as a man who looks to the next election. The statesman focuses on the next generation.
We can point to a few areas where the man is looking beyond our noses. One is rail and road infrastructure. This is a monster assignment with a sweep that can be compared to the dream of another General and Former United States President Dwight Eisenhower who set up a 41000 mile National System of Interstate and Defence Highways to connect the vast country and eliminate unsafe roads, inefficient routes and traffic inconveniences. President Buhari is doing same in twin assaults of road and rail. Massive work is going on within budgetary possibilities in different parts of the country. We can also say the agricultural policy is the most original of any government in recent memory. In spite price wars on rice, we know this is the first time local rice is in genuine competition with importers who now have to contend with the locals in reach and nutritional quality. The border closure, though temporary, is an act of great courage and has exposed some of the chicanery going on in our economy.
If the North East of Nigeria were to be treated as a Nation, we are poorer than Niger, Tchad, and Afghanistan. Ideas say that in the contemporary epoch, no Nigerian President understands the Peace – Development nexus better than President Muhammadu Buhari, hence he deserves special kudos for setting up the North East Development Commission, geared towards addressing the humongous developmental deficits in the North East sub region. I believe posterity will judge him kindly for such a beautiful initiative.
Ladies and gentlemen, Nigeria has within its years of return to democracy produced leaders at different levels who have made good marks. We have had Governors, Lawmakers, Ministers, Heads of Government Agencies at the Federal and State levels, Chairmen of Local Government Councils, and other Government officials that have made genuine efforts to move their societies forward. These leaders have brought about advancements on infrastructure, healthcare, education and so on.

TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP AT NATIONAL AND SUB-NATIONAL LEVELS

Call them whatever names but you cannot ignore the transformational efforts of Ahmed Makarfi, Ibrahim Shema, Babatunde Fashola, Sule Lamido, Danjuma Goje and Godswill Akpabio, to name but a few, as Governors of their respective States. Controversial, contrary, and enigmatic, Mal. Nasir Ahmad El-Rufa’i is unarguably a Gadfly, the enfant terrible of the Nigerian Political Class. Like the Late Gani Fawehinmi, he evokes the extremes of emotion from people: you either love him passionately or hate him intensely. However, what is incontestable is that in terms of transformational leadership, he is the best FCT Minister Nigeria has ever had!
In Borno State, my Successor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, mni, is close to delivering more than two hundred projects, amongst them several estates to give shelter and succor to the IDPs and poor civil servants, five newly built schools, 20 schools rehabilitated and many more. He accomplished these in six months. The list of leaders who have made positive marks is quite long.
Inspite of some of positive outcomes delivered by some of our leaders; inspite of the strengths I tried to cite on Nigeria’s freedom from dictatorship, freedom of expression, freedom to freely vote in our electoral system and our Rule of Law, Nigeria’s 20 years of democracy has had more Weaknesses than strengths.

In the minds of majority of Nigerians is a consensus which agrees with the conclusion of Late Professor Chinua Achebe, that indeed, Nigeria is in trouble and that trouble is simply and squarely a failure of leadership.

WEAKNESSES OF NIGERIA’S DEMOCRACY
Selective adherence to the Rule of Law:

The Rule of Law which is sacred in a democracy has been and is still under serious threat. From 1999 to date, only the administration of Late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua took seriously, obedience to most Court Pronouncements. Yes! it is true that other Administrations did obey Court Orders but what is more true is that they selected Orders that served their interests. That mere attitude of selectivity is a colossal compromise on the constitutional resolve to uphold the Rule of Law in a Democracy.
Ladies and gentlemen, democracy is a big joke where there is no Rule of Law. It is the Rule of Law that amply guarantees freedom from dictatorship; freedom of expression to hold leaders accountable, the freedom of movement, religion, social, cultural and political associations; the freedom to credible election of leaders. It is the Rule of Law that guarantees the separation of powers between the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary. Democracy is a charade when there is no Rule of Law. For what guarantees citizens’ right to good Leadership which keeps them and their property secured and prosperous. Perhaps, I should be right to say, that the Rule of Law is to democracy what water is to human life!
There can only be good leadership if citizens are fundamentally free to reasonably hold their leaders accountable.

Poverty and Insecurity:
Ladies and gentlemen, 20 years of Nigeria’s democracy has seen the creation and spread of poverty and the political exploitation of poverty.
Research has shown that there is correlation between the lifespan of a nation’s democratic march with its economic strength.
In his book, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, Fareed Zakaria, a global anchor, argued while referencing a research by two social scientists, that when countries become democratic at low levels of development, their democracy usually dies. This is because as countries develop economically, their societies also develop the strengths and skills to sustain liberal democratic governance.
In our 20 years of democracy, majority of electorates go after vote buyers and distributors of food items, the Practitioners of Stomach Infrastructure. The irony is that the electorates have lost faith such that they do not take campaign promises any seriously. They have more faith in the cash and bags of rice they can collect than to expect delivery of good governance. Rich aspirants simply gather enough and wait for election time.
We have in our 20 years of democracy, seen ceaseless insecurity of lives from the attacks by boko haram, militants, robbers, rural armed bandits and herdsmen, inter-communal and religious rivals. If we reflect on the killings in Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, Kaduna, Kano, Rivers, and other places, no one can quantify the number of Nigerians that were brutally murdered in our 20 years of democracy.
I believe that few current or former public officials in Nigeria are better placed than I am to talk about the destabilizing, disorienting, disheartening, disrupting, and destroying effect that insecurity can have on leadership and democratic governance. The Boko Haram insurgency exploded in the North East region two years before I became Governor of Borno State in May 2011. My home State of Borno has been the cradle, the epicenter and the Ground Zero of Boko Haram violence for ten years now. In my entire eight years as Governor of Borno State, nothing occupied my mind like Boko Haram and the fate of my people in those circumstances. Practically no minute passed in all those years that I was not thinking or doing something about Boko Haram.
We have seen abductions of schoolgirls in Chibok and those of many other citizens forced to pay ransom. For me personally, who was the Governor of Borno State at the time of the Chibok girls’ abduction in April 2014, there is no event in my life that ever gave me sleepless nights, as many weeks and months of worry and as much chagrin and stomach-churning as the Chibok girls’ abduction. Indeed, it will count as one of the most sorrowful events in the history of Nigeria. Much has been said and written about the Chibok girls’ episode, and I do not intend to reopen old wounds on this occasion. We can however imagine the disrupting and destabilizing effect it had in our democratic journey as a state and as a country. The abduction and continued detention of the Yobe schoolgirl Leah Sharibu as well as thousands of young boys and girls that were abducted, killed, enslaved or otherwise forcibly conscripted into the insurgents’ army, has been a most distressing and most destabilizing episode in our democratic journey.
Even as the efforts of the Nigerian Military and other Security Agencies with the help of the Civilian JTF which we created in 2013 greatly diminished Boko Haram violence in the North East between 2015-2018, sadly too, it has again started assuming worrisome levels. Yet other very destabilizing episodes of insecurity reared their heads in other parts of the Nation. These include the terrible sedentary farmers-versus-herdsmen clashes in the North Central states, and kidnapping for ransom all over the country. During my tenure as Chairman of the Northern States Governors’ Forum (NSGF), these episodes engaged us the most and we struggled to assist the Federal authorities to find solutions to them. Needless to say, not only democracy but the economy, the society and the polity itself were imperiled by these challenges.
Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, there is a direct correlation between poverty and violence. It is pertinent to mention but Boko Haram was a phenomenon borne out of Social Exclusivity and unless we want to engage in an endless war of attrition, there can never be a Military solution to the insurgency. To find a lasting solution, we have to embrace a holistic approach encompassing the Social, Economic, Political, and Military options.
Based on the Post Insurgency Recovery and Peace Building Assessment Report on the Northeast which was jointly validated by the World Bank, the European Union, the Presidency and the Borno State Government, the Boko Haram has inflicted damages to the tune of 9 billion US Dollars in the northeast. Of this amount, the destructions in Borno State amounts to 6 billion US Dollars and they are supported by the following statistics.

A total of 956,453 private houses representing 30 % of the total number of houses in Borno were destroyed across almost all the 27 local government areas of the State. Apart from Private houses, a total of 665 municipal buildings comprising offices of MDAs, LGA buildings, Prisons, Police Stations and PHCN offices were destroyed in Borno. 5,335 classrooms and other school buildings were destroyed in 512 primary schools, 38 secondary schools and two tertiary institutions in the State. 201 health centres, mostly primary healthcare clinics, dispensaries and some General Hospitals were all destroyed. The insurgents also destroyed 726 power substations and distribution lines just like they destroyed 1,630 water sources including motorized boreholes, hand pumps, solar powered boreholes and facilities for piped water schemes. Across 16 local government areas of the State, the insurgents bombed parks, gardens, orchards, game Reserves, Green wall projects and poisoned ponds, Rivers, Lakes and they stole over 500,000 cattle.

All these were in addition to setting ablaze markets, large scale farms and hundreds of trucks that evacuated farm produce for international export to neighboring countries. Today, hundreds of well-known rich farmers and transporters have become extremely poor and dependent on food aid.

Despite those challenges, we also found time, within our meager resources, to try to lay the foundation for a post – Boko Haram future in Borno State by investing heavily in mega school projects and other key infrastructure. If you have not visited Borno State recently, you may have heard of or seen pictures of the [number] mega schools we established in Maiduguri and other towns. This is because we believe that in the long run, it is only universal and quality education that will enable our State, our people and our country to recover from the ravages of Boko Haram. Universal and quality education, as well as poverty alleviation, will also ensure that in future, our youths do not easily fall prey to the teachings and rantings of demagogic preachers.

Ladies and gentlemen, majority of us here are guilty for the failure of leadership in our 20 years of democracy.
One of the unspoken attitudes I see as a fundamental problem of our leadership is the entitlement complex of politically ambitious and competent elites in Nigeria. Majority of competent and ambitious elites simply assume they are entitled to being invited to pick readily available tickets to contest elections. We rarely make the sacrifice of connecting with the grassroots.
Many Nigerians question the rationality of some Governors in supporting aspirants who sometimes do not communicate well in English to contest and win elections. But as Tip O’Neill famously quipped, “All Politics is Local”.
Ladies and gentlemen, the fact is that while the well-educated elite with Harvard and Cambridge degrees is busy searching for top paying luxurious job, the half-baked local politician sticks to the electorates in his or her village and town. The local politician tolerates the difficulties of either living or frequenting rural areas to attend to community events, periodic festivities, frequent Wedding and naming ceremonies and funerals. He identifies community problems and reports to authorities. He follows up diligently until the problems are addressed or he is seen to have tried. The local politician is so rugged, fearless and tireless that he can move from one village to the other, day and night, connecting with the grassroots in many years. Some of them involve in clearing refuse in their communities. They are there come rain or sunshine.
While the elite mostly opens his doors to invited guests to attend luxury birthday, the local politician has no privacy since his doors are open to uninvited guests at any time of the day. The electorates grow to love and cherish these local politicians and then, we say they can’t contest elections since they do don’t have degrees?

Oftentimes, they do not back out and they have the firm support of their people. You either allow them to contest or they defect to another party and win the election. The implication of course, is that they create serious problems for you as a Governor and leader of your party, whose ultimate responsibility is to deliver votes. The local politicians are mostly popular. They contest and win and as to be expected, they give you the kind of representation that is equal to their level of competence.
As Governor, I have had instances in which I entice some medical doctors with free cars and houses to compel them to accept employment at hospitals located in their own communities. Some of them rejected the offers and this is the common attitude with elites including those with political ambitions.
The people at the grassroots are normally appreciative. They recognize and reciprocate selflessness and community development efforts.
The famous member of House of Representatives, Hon. Gudaji Kazaure from Jigawa state is likely popular in his constituency. With your big grammar you cannot defeat Gudaji Kazaure in any election. If you deny him the ticket, he will probably win under the strangest political party. His people love him. And for me, Gudaji Kazaure is one of the most representative National Assembly members in this country.

How many of us watched Gudaji Kazaure’s viral video in which he argued against CBN’s introduction of charges on cash deposits. I watched that video more than ten times because he was funny yet he made so much sense.
Therefore, elites who seek to hold public offices need to be deliberate and ready to make long term investments that would require connecting with the grassroots. They must have clear visions for the office they seek.
Opportunities for quality leadership lies with deliberate sacrifices from those with the competence to lead. Opportunities to lead under a democracy does not come easy or cheap. You have to work for it. Sometimes, you invest half of your lifetime wining the hearts of the people you hope to lead.

Opportunities in our democracy lies with politicians becoming principled.

One major weakness of our democracy is their chameleonic mobility, the shameless speed with which we defect from one political party to another. Agreed, there are many instances in which aspirants are treated with callous injustice in Political Parties and are forced to defect. However, many of these politicians are oftentimes, beneficiaries of the same political party or in fact, they benefited from unjust acts to others!
We need to address the issue of defection. More than any time in our democratic history, there is currently a near balance of strength between the APC and the PDP in terms of the number of Governors and prominence of stakeholders. It maybe extreme but considerate view that we consider laws that will make it mandatory for anyone who defects from one political party to another, to have to wait for at least two election cycles of eight years before he or she is constitutionally allowed to contest election under a new platform. This drastic but necessary measure could minimize the shameless convenience of defections. It could force aggrieved party men to remain in their parties to fight unfairness and build the party. After all, our Courts are already passing landmark judgments over party matters.
Opportunities for our democracy is a moral onus bestowed on all of us in leadership positions recognizing that without obedience to the rule of law our predecessors could have held on the public offices we now occupy. We must drop the culture of impunity if for nothing else, for the fact that, no matter how long, power is something you eventually leave someday or it leaves you sooner than you expect. Most of the time, people spend more years outside power than inside it.The pity though is that some people do not know when power has left them. They have hangover of power like alcohol. Being drunk and having hangover are not the same.Leaders must be concerned about what we hope to be remembered for.

Obedience to the rule of law implies respecting and enforcing every freedom that citizens are guaranteed by the constitution.

Opportunities for our democracy lies with providing quality education that will empower citizens to know their rights, to hold their leaders accountable and to be more employable and to be ambitious in adding value to themselves and our country.

Weakness of our Democracy: Low Political Participation of Women

Nigerian society and by extension politics and governance is inherently patriarchal and thus Nigerian women are denied the full opportunities in politics and governance in line with the Beijing Declaration (of which Nigeria is signatory to) and Nigeria’s National Gender Policy that require at least 30% and 35% respectively, of all elective and appointive positions go to women. Although there has been some progress in women’s participation over the last 20 years, according to the National Bureau of Statistics, women’s participation in both elective and appointive positions has remained at about 7%. Presently, female Ministers represent only about 17% of the cabinet and female representation in both chambers of the legislature stand at about 6%.

This low representation of women in politics and governance spaces is not due to a lack of effort on the part of women but due to man made and structural stumbling blocks that prevent the full participation of women. For e.g. in a few states, the only female Commissioners appointed by male Chief Executives are those of Women’s Affairs/Social Development – indicating that if that ministry did not exist, perhaps a woman may not even be appointed as commissioner. The highly capital intensive, oftentimes violent and late-night politicking processes of party primaries does not favour women, especially women who are wives and young mothers and often excludes them from the process and thus the outcome. Ayisa Osori in her book “Love does not win elections” succintly captures and from personal experience the multi faceted challenges that women in Nigeria face in vying for elective office.

Strengths:
Nigeria does have the advantage of a large pool of highly educated, experienced and competent women from every state of the country ready to take on leadership positions in elective and appointive capacities. Nigeria also has the policy framework to ensure the full participation of women.

Gender Parity will strengthen our democracy:
Study after study has demonstrated that when women are fully engaged and empowered, everyone benefits. It has been proven, over and over again that communities and societies that fully empower and engage women are more peaceful, more prosperous more just and more secure. Internationally, the Nordic countries and recent times the UAE are good case studies while locally, the south west region of Nigeria proves this assertion.

Opportunities:
We have the opportunity to strengthen our democracy by implementing the requirements of the National Gender policy – at all levels. We can take an example from the south western states of Nigeria, which have over the past 20 years, instituted a system where most of the deputy governors are required to be female. We can also learn from the practice of Kaduna state where at least 50% of appointees are women. Political parties must adhere with the 35% affirmative action and ensure that across board – at least 35% of all candidates are women. The executive should also ensure gender parity in not only the appointment of ministers and commissioners, but also in service chiefs, heads of agencies, advisers and assistants as well as board members.

CONCLUSION

Ladies and gentlemen, in the 20 years of Nigeria’s democracy, the list of Weaknesses are endless just as those of our strengths are few. Let our strength cheer us, so we don’t despair over our many weaknesses. We cannot afford to remain in despair and I believe this is why we are all gathered here. We all have roles to play in building our democracy, for the alternative to freedom is imprisonment whether physical or emotional. We should focus on exploring the opportunities that can make our democracy enduring and I am so sure that, together, all of us, can make our democracy workas envy for posterity.

I thank you all for listening. Apologies for taking too much of your time.

20 Years of Democracy in Nigeria: Strengths, Weaknesses and Opportunities” by H.E.Senator Kashim Shettima

Related

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Tinubu’s financialism and some missing links

Questions N3.3tn power bailout can’t answer

Ibadan metaphor of power, powerlessness, and UI’s missteps

The truth about UK-based Jupiter Lithium Limited and Nigeria’s Basin Mining Limited